[ Home ]
[ Speeches & statements ]
SPEECH BY DEPUTY PRESIDENT FW DE KLERK, IN PARLIAMENT DURING THE DEBATE ON HIS BUDGET VOTE, 3 JUNE 1996
Mevrou die Speaker
Dit sal vandag die laaste keer wees dat ek in my hoedanigheid as Adjunkpresident, verantwoording aan die Nasionale Vergadering moet doen.
Uiteraard vra dit vir 'n kort terugblik oor die afgelope twee jaar.
Oorhoofs is ek trots op die bydrae wat die Nasionale Party se lede van die Kabinet kon maak. Die rol wat ek en Naionale Party-lede moes speel, was dikwels moeilik maar tog noodsaaklik.
Gedurende die eerste onsekere jare van ons jong demokrasie, was dit nodig dat alle hoofrolspelers in die politiek mede-verantwoordelikheid aanvaar vir die landsregering met die oog op groter sekerheid vir almal.
Ten opsigte van Suid-Afrika se herinlywing by die internasionale gemeenskap - en meer spesifiek op ekonomiese gebied - was dit nodig om vertroue te bou in die onderliggende stabiliteit van die nuwe Suid-Afrika.
Ek glo dat die Regering van Nasionale Eenheid hierdie doelwitte bereik het. En, alhoewel my ANC-kollegas huiwerig mag wees om dit te erken, glo ek dat hulle aan die begin waardering gehad het vir die ervaring wat die Nasionale Party tot die Regering toegevoeg het.
On the whole, the GNU worked well:
In general, it adopted sensible economic and development policies.
It helped to promote national reconciliation and nation building.
The interaction between the different parties often led to better policy formulation and decision-making.
It enabled parties to hammer out consensus agreements on a number potentially divisive issues.
For all these reasons I am sorry that the ANC rejected our modest proposals for the continuation of some form of institutionalised power-sharing, at executive level, in the new constitution. The simple majoritarian approach that it insists upon is unsuited to societies as complex as ours. The ANC now faces the challenge to deliver on its stated commitment to continued consultation in respect of issues of national interest.
Although the GNU has made an important contribution during the last two years, it undoubtedly had many short comings:
Despite its announced intention of reaching agreement on the basic conventions in terms of which the GNU would function, such agreement was never reached. Because the participating parties never accepted a broad policy framework, every important matter that came before the Government on an ad-hoc basis carried with it the seeds of potential disagreement and crisis.
I was not always properly consulted as was required by the constitution.
Participation in the GNU had a negative impact on the democratic process. Efforts to strike a balance between co-operation and opposition, often led to tension and undignified disputes.
The adoption of the new constitution was a watershed in the transformation process and was an appropriate moment for my Party to announce its withdrawal from the Government of National Unity. We did so, without rancour or recrimination. Amongst the reasons for our decision were the following:
The new Constitution contained no provision in respect of any form of power sharing at the level of Governmental decision making. This was equivalent to a death sentence for even the broadest and mildest concept of Government based on consensus. Continued participation would be equivalent to detention on a kind of political death row.
The survival of multi-party democracy, which depends on the existence of a strong and credible opposition, was being threatened by our continued participation in the GNU.
The time had, therefore, come for us to reassert our identity as a strong and vigorous party in our own right. I firmly believe that our choice to do so, is in the best interest of South Africa and all its people.
I should like to thank my colleagues in the GNU for their co-operation and goodwill during the past two years. We have proved that South Africans with radically different backgrounds can work together for the common good. I will continue to do so, in my new capacity as Leader of the Opposition, whenever the opportunity arises.
I should also like to thank my fellow Chairman of the Cabinet and its committees, Deputy President Mbeki, for the positive and constructive role that he played and for his contribution to continuation of a responsible and effective Cabinet system. And I should like to thank President Nelson Mandela for the example that he always set in promoting national unity and in building our new democracy.
The three years that now lie ahead before the next election will give all our parties time to develop clear alternative identities and platforms before the elections. It also means that the ANC will have to assume full and sole responsibility for their policies and actions.
Although we intend to play a vigorous opposition role on issues where we disagree with the Government, it will be a responsible role. In particular, we will continue to give our whole-hearted support to all efforts to promote economic growth; to alleviate the plight of the poor, the deprived and the unemployed; and to build a strong, secure and united nation.
However, we will vigorously oppose the Government with regard to the growing number of issues where we disagree.
On the economy, we will urge the Government to adhere to the sound policies that we developed together with a Government of National Unity. We will, particular, urge the government:
to drastically reduce the deficit before borrowing, particularly by cutting Government consumption expenditure;
to restore more healthy balance between business and labour - a balance which was disturbed by the new Bill of Rights;
to promote a more flexible labour system that will be more conductive to job creation and to promoting the competitiveness of our exports;
to continue to open our economy to international competition;
to expedite privatisation; and
to continue with a responsible step-by-step dismantling of remaining exchange controls.
We will urge the Government to take vigorous and appropriate action to maintain law, order and social stability:
Enough has been said and written about intentions, plans and strategies to stop crime. The country wants action and wants results. No nation can tolerate a situation where peaceful citizens are attacked and murdered with impunity. South Africa has reached the unacceptable stage where the number of people who are murdered each year by criminals almost equals the total number of people killed in the political conflict between 1980 and 1994.
The Government must come to grips with the on-going violence in Kwazulu-Natal. The parties involved must find the political will to settle their disputes through a peaceful and negotiated means. Not only does the continuing violence cause unacceptable human suffering and devastation. It has also become a serious impediment to regional economic growth and development.
The Government must handle fragile inter-communal relations with the greatest sensitivity. It must allow our diverse communities maximum room to develop their cultures on a non-racial basis. Transformation must not become a code word for the imposition of majority agendas on each and every constitution of civil society.
The Government must deal with divisive questions relating to our past conflict with the greatest sensitivity and balance. Recent statements threatening to track down and prosecute perpetrators from only one side of conflict seriously threaten the young and tender plant of national unity. Such moves are also irreconcilable with the intention and spirit of the constitution and the historic compromises that brought about our national transformation.
The Government must implement necessary affirmative action programmes in a balanced manner. South Africa cannot afford the loss of experienced managers, teachers and experts to the extent where it will lead to the collapse of standards. We also dare not allow affirmative action to degenerate into a new form of discrimination.
Although we are in broad agreement with the ANC on the Reconstruction and Development Programme, I unfortunately have to say that we increasingly disagree with the manner in which programmes are being planned and implemented.
On the one hand the Government needs to concentrate on policies that will equip people to help themselves as effectively and as quickly as possible - particularly through the creation of jobs and the provision of practical and effective training and education.
On the other hand the Government needs to provide caring and cost-effective social and health services, with maximum community involvement and with minimum bureaucracy and delivery costs. There must also be cost-effective programmes to extend basic infra-structure services at all, particularly with regard to the provision of clean water, sewage and electricity.
In respect of education I see a crisis in the making. What is needed is much greater value and effectiveness from our enormous expenditure on education. The requirement in this regard is not only for the provision of adequate facilities and teaching personnel but also the re-establishment of an ordered and disciplined culture of learning.
I think that most of these goals are shared by the great majority of representatives and parties in this Chamber.
We all want a prosperous and successful economy; we all want peace, security and stability; we all want rapid and substantial improvements in the living standards of all our people. The question is not what we want, but how we should achieve it. I believe that South Africa will be able to develop the answers to this question more effectively if we have a strong and vocal opposition. We intend to play such a role.
SLOT
Ek sien, om die waarheid te sê, nogal uit na my nuwe rol. Na 18 jaar in Regering - eers as Minister, toe as Staatspresident en daarna as Uitvoerende Adjunkpresident - staan ek voor nuwe uitdagings.
Enersyds is daar 'n uitdaging om 'n leidende rol te speel in die uitbouing van opposisie politiek. Eers wanneer daar tydens 'n verkiesing twyfel bestaan oor watter party gaan wen, kan 'n mens sê dat veelparty demokrasie veilig en gevestig is. Dit was so in die pas afgelope verkiesing in die Wes-Kaap. Dit moet ook so ontwikkel in die res van die land. Daarvoor gaan ek werk as Leier van die Nasionale Party.
Ons doelwit is die verbreking van die huidige redelik rigiede etniese stempatrone en die herskikking van die Suid-Afrikaanse politiek op die basis van beleid, waardes en beginsels.
Andersyds is daar die uitdaging om nie net my Party te dien nie, maar ook die hele Suid-Afrika te bly dien.
Aan President Mandela, wat volgens koerantverslae gesê het ek moet op my knie% voor hom staan en pleit, wil ek vandag sonder enige arrogansie sê:
Hy sal my langs hom vind, wanneer hy in belang van Suid-Afrika optree.
Hy sal my vierkantig voor hom vind, wanneer ek glo hy tree op teen die belang van Suid-Afrika.
Hy sal my egter nooit op my knie% voor hom vind nie. Wat Suid-Afrika nodig het is dat hy en ek - en almal saam met ons - gereeld op ons knie% moet gaan voor God Almagtig.
Ek is diep bewus van my verantwoordelikheid as Leier van die grootste opposisie party en die tweede grootste party in die land. Ek onderneem graag teenoor u hier teenwoordig en teenoor alle Suid-Afrikaners dat ek -
te alle tye sal bevorder wat tot die voordeel van die Republiek is en sal probeer afweer wat die Republiek kan skaad;
die Grondwet en alle ander reg van ons land sal gehoorsaam, eerbiedig, handhaaf en onderhou;
my werksaamhede getrou en met al my kragte en talente na my beste vermo% en kennis en getrou aan die stem van my gewete sal uitvoer;
my sal beywer om reg aan almal te laat geskied;
en my aan die welsyn van die Republiek en al sy mense sal wy.
<EOD>